Cosmos Left

?Well, that too, I want to . . .?

?If the army comes, we will do what?? he offered.

?Yeah, yeah.?

He told me: ?Every student likes peace. We don?t like violence. So if it appears People?s Liberation Army will come in, we don?t hit them. But maybe they will hit us. We are not sure. Maybe they will move everybody on the truck or bus, and go back to college or university.?

I asked him, ?Do the students feel that there?s a real danger that Deng and Li will decide to send the army and end the protests??

?Yeah, it?s a danger. Very danger. But we are not sure, tonight, tomorrow, what day. But we are sure that some day . . .?

I noticed a growing crowd of curious onlookers surrounding us during the conversation. The sight of any Westerner talking to a Chinese demonstrator in Tiananmen Square these days was enough to attract attention, because the Chinese had a driving thirst for information and that kind of exchange. Unfortunately, as I again noticed the dozens of cameras attached to poles that had been covered by the students to prevent spying, I knew that some of this attention could very well include undercover agents. We decided to end our talk and move on.

I stood standing in the midst of a crowd directly in front of and to the side of the Goddess, mesmerized by the people?s curiosity. The irony presented by the sight of the Goddess of Democracy and Freedom facing Mao was not lost on the Tiananmen demonstrators.

Suddenly Big Brother returned; the government spokesperson resumed his broadcast from the Forbidden City?s entrance. The War of the Loudspeakers was back. For several minutes I stood there, entranced by the flags, banners, balloons, bicycle bells, mass of protestors, and most of all, by the Goddess herself.

A friendly, portly man in his late 30s walked up to me and asked what I thought of the situation.

?It seems that in the last few days the government keeps trying to make its own chess moves to end the protest and diffuse the situation. I sensed a mood that perhaps it would end, a feeling of resignation, maybe thinking they should go back home and figure out new ways to move the democracy movement forward, but that the demonstrations in Tiananmen must end.?

?Yes, yes,? managed my new friend.

I continued: ?The government was consolidating its power, making its move against Zhao, while Deng and Li consolidated their power. I watched a little of the China newscast; I noticed what they were doing in the coverage, reading letters, saying workers all over China were writing letters, asking the students to leave. They were putting on the pressure, but they were doing it very smoothly. On the one hand they were saying . . . they were conscious, very conscious of the support the students have among the people, so they were careful not to condemn all the students. They were careful to praise the students for the patriotism and good intentions, but they chose to target the leaders, the so-called small group of instigators.?

?Yes, that?s right,? he interjected.

?It seems they were trying to divide the students from the rest of the population, to isolate them and pressure the workers. I understand there were reports that in the factories the managers were telling workers not to join the students. You might hurt your chances for your job or bonus. And the students, they were quiet for a few days; there were only 10,000 or so in the square. Well, Sunday was a big demonstration. I saw that. Very large. And then all of a sudden they came back with this. And it was a brilliant move, because if the government thought the movement was dying or ending, that?s over. I don?t think you can say that now. Now they have another problem. Now they have something that?s bringing more people to the square. It?s a catalyst, a spark. There are many people here tonight, 150,000 at least??

Well, he did ask me what I thought of the situation. Ecstatic over meeting someone who spoke and understood English so well, I wanted him to know I knew much about his country?s politics. When I told him I was a journalist from San Francisco, his face brightened. From the twinkle in his eye and his friendly demeanor, I knew instantly he had taken to me, and a warm rapport began growing between us. He introduced himself as Wang. He said he worked for the Institute of History at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences.

Already a small crowd of spectators were huddling around us. Wang picked up again with the size of the assembly that evening.

?Yes, 150,000 people are here. There are people coming in the next few days. The people will come down more.?

?They?re talking about the statue all over the city, right?? I asked him.

?Yes, because every people think the stone is a freedom, is a symbol, who will live in the ordinary people?s hearts forever, you see. Because you know in China, you have not a lot of freedom and also a lot of problems nowadays, especially during the reforms, a lot of problems. So the people think the government should modify their mistakes, you see. The ordinary people want government to correct some mistakes. . . So the ordinary people will know what happens in the reforms. Because the reform policy is hurting every ordinary people concerning the country?s future. That?s why every people should agree to concern about what is going on in the leading group. It?s no good for them to . . .?
His voice drifted for a moment, and his eyes gazed at the Goddess and her admirers. Then Wang refocused and continued.

?They seem to forget about the people. I don?t know why. That?s why so many people come to Tiananmen Square to support the hunger struggle of our students. It is very hard to believe the government adopted these measures to move the military outside Beijing, to surround Beijing, the issuance of martial law. It?s no good, I don?t think it?s good we talk in public. That?s why I worry about this.?

?Do you think there?s a danger still that the government, that Li Peng and Deng, will decide to send the army to break up the demonstrations?? I asked Wang.
He replied: ?I don?t think they will break up the demonstrations; they use the troops to use . . . they are afraid to use the power; because I think there must be different opinions within the leading group and . . . also very strong. That?s why they have to bring army. . . the people, students, sitting here are very powerful. It?s not easy to bring the troops in. That?s why the students bring the statue here; it?s a symbol of the peace and freedom.?

?It sounds like you?re proud of them.?

?Yes. If I were young I would join them. I?ve studied abroad, in Britain. I know in the Western countries people have opportunity to give their own opinion, even on television. But in China you can?t. So, this is no good for the country?s future. What do you think about that??

?I agree with you,? I answered. ?I think that people all over the world are fighting for democracy, freedom, for the right to control their lives, for the right to have the information we need in order to run our societies. I?m an American socialist. I think that the American working class, and the working farmers, some day will make a socialist revolution. But I think that the question of democracy is at the center of it; you cannot have socialism without democracy.?

?Yeah, that?s right,? Wang agreed.

?It cannot work, by the very definition of it,? I continued. ?You know, what Marx meant that the working people should not only collectively own the means of production but run it, and in order to do that, you need democracy. The working class must have information, they must have access in order to make the decisions. . .?

?They must know what?s going on,? added Wang.

?Exactly. You can?t have a bureaucracy at the top, because as you say they?ll get away from the people.?

?Yes,? Wang said.

?They?ll have their own distinct interests,? I elaborated.

?Yes,? repeated Wang. ?They are, they go in the wrong direction I think. At this moment, the government is so far away from the ordinary people. It causes a few problems.?

?I understand the use of the Statue of Liberty for the symbolism of freedom and democracy, but as an American I must tell you that we too in the United States have a problem, as you do here, there being a big contradiction, a large gap between the rhetoric of what is said on paper, in the Constitution, etc., and the reality.?

?Yes. Reality is very important,? echoed Wang.

?While it?s true that we have, on the surface anyway, we have more democratic rights and freedoms; I, speaking as a socialist, I have a formal right to write letters to the newspaper, and maybe go on TV and say in a one minute editorial, ?Vote for my party,? but in practice, we have a dictatorship in the United States, of the capitalist monopoly. Most working people don?t have access to the media; most of the media is owned by large corporation, and they influence what people know and say. I?ll tell you something else. The United States government and the media which is covering events in China, they are also distorting what is going on here, in terms of how they?re explaining it to the American people.?

?How is that?? inquired Wang with interest.

?They paint it as the Chinese people trying to overthrow communism, that you are totally rejecting it, and they imply that the people are embracing capitalism, the way our country is run. And I don?t get that feeling. I sense that the people of China want democracy, they want to make the system work better, they even want radical reforms, but not . . .?

?You are absolutely right,? interrupted Wang.

?Not to go back to capitalism,? I finished. I don?t get that feeling from talking to people here.?

?100 percent positive,? said Wang excitedly, obviously pleased that an American understood his country?s situation so well. ?You are quite right.?

?But it?s a very complicated thing,? I went on, smiling to myself as I realized I was sounding like Mr. Xing, the TV Ministry bureaucrat. ?On the surface, it looks like there?s a foundation for the Western press and governments to do what I just told you, to distort things for their own purposes. They say, ?Look at the people of China, they want our freedoms too.? And what I say to you is that the American people and the Chinese people, we both have a problem, in terms of the gap between the rhetoric and reality. I think people all over the world, you know, we have to . . . there?s an international crisis going on, and sooner or later we?re going to have to look to each other as part of an international working class, to try and figure out how to make the world a better place. That?s what we?re all trying to accomplish. The world is becoming a smaller place . . .?

?Yes, you are quite right,? agreed Wang.

?Look at the composition of the working class in the US, or Britain. You said you were in Britain, you saw it, or France. We have more and more immigration, more changes in the composition of the working class in the United States, in France, in England. . . We?re getting quite a crowd here,? I said, noticing the curious audience our conversation had been attracting. Most of them probably didn?t understand what we were saying, but you could tell from their expressions they knew an intense discussion was taking place.

?That?s no problem,? said Wang confidently.

?It?s no problem?? I asked with surprise, recalling Wang?s earlier concern over discussing sensitive topics with undercover agents lurking about. But since I was enjoying our talk so much, I decided to trust Wang?s judgment, and I continued.

?What does it mean to say that I?m an American now, when there are so many Latinos there, so many Asians, Chinese, Filipinos, so many people from Central and South American countries; in France you have many people of color from Africa and the Middle East emigrating to France; Britain too. Why? Because they way that the capitalist system is working internationally, there are no jobs for workers in their own countries, which forces them to go somewhere to work and send money back to their families. I don?t know how much in formation you get here, but in the United States now there is much racism and chauvinism being generated, to pit everyone against each other. That?s the message of the capitalists. What we have to do is counter that and build solidarity among workers of all nationalities. We?re all trying to figure out how to make this a better world.?

?That?s right,? Wang said emphatically.

?What?s going on here, as an American I can tell you that I look at it not strictly as a problem for China that takes place in the clouds and not in the same world as the Cubans and Americans and Russians and Palestinians. Everybody is fighting, everybody is struggling for justice, for self-determination, for democracy. And your fight right now is at the center of it; your fight is inspiring people all around the world. Your fight for democracy, your fight for freedom. But I tell you that it is part of a world struggle; the international economic order is in trouble, and we face another world depression; there will be big battles coming from that. We?re all groping, trying to find a common road. And my personal opinion as a Marxist is that we all will meet on that road as Marxists. But it?s gotta be democratic.?

?Yes, yes,? Wang agreed again.

?I don?t think that Gorbachev, or Breszhnev, or Deng Xiaoping, or Li Peng, are really Marxists at all. Do you know who I think is? If you were to ask me, well then, who do you think is, what country, what socialist country is at least on the road, and has made the most progress, I would answer?Revolutionary Cuba. I was talking to one of the students from Inner Mongolia, one of the students leaders at Sunday?s demonstration. We had a very good discussion, a very good exchange of ideas; and I asked him what he knew about Cuba. And he said not much. I asked him, do the people of China have the right to recall members of the Communist Party if they?re not doing a good job and the people want to vote them out? He said, ?No, that?s what we want, that?s one of the things that we, that the whole movement for democracy, is about.? I said, ?do you know that they have that right in Cuba? They have the right to recall, they have elections. If somebody is not doing well, and the people do not like the job he or she is doing, out they go and so someone else replaces them. We should pose the question to Comrades Deng and Li Peng, who call themselves Marxist-Leninists.?

?Yes,? said Wang.

?We should ask if they?re aware that in the early days of the Russian Bolshevik Party, when Lenin was the leader, they had the right of recall. It was part of the Bolshevik program. The Cubans have it, and the Chinese should also. I?ve gone on for a while now, let me hear what you think.?

Wang replied: ?That is right, you can see from the student demonstrations here. And I think from the view of the ordinary people, we have correct choice. For the ordinary people we want prosperity and a bright future for our country. That?s very important. We want peace, we don?t want backward. You see, China is very backward, compared with some other developed countries. China is still developing country now. Every Chinese people I think is struggling for country to reach modernization, which is very important to us, to catch up with the other developed countries. So the student movement here just wants freedom.?

I nodded in agreement. ?You know, it?s what we said earlier, that during the past week, when the government?s been trying to make its moves to end the protests, to diffuse the situation. We said the government has been conscious of the support it knows the students have from the workers, so they?re careful to characterize the students as patriotic. Because what you just said, about modernization, that?s what the leaders say that they desire for China. That was the basis for Deng?s reforms to modernize China. What were the four principles? Agriculture, industry, science, military, I guess.?

?And technology,? Wang added.

?Right, technology. So they say, yes, we have to modernize, but we also need stability and order; we have to end the turmoil. But you say, yes, we need order, but we need democracy. So there?s a standoff, right? It?s incredible. There is martial law. But where is the martial law? Yes, there?s martial law on paper, but in practice, I don?t see it. If there was martial law, we would not be able to talk like this, would we??

Wang said: ?Yes, and that?s why I was asking if you understand any Chinese.?

?No, no,? I replied laughing. ?I don?t except ?thank you? and ?hello,? that?s all. I wish I did.?

Wang: ?When we have a conversation here and there?s a speaker over there, they announce some government announcements, or some display for the people standing in the square. They say something to the students. So that?s different. You see, there is still a lot of people here. When we come here, a lot of people surround us. This gives you some evidence, you will compare what we said and what really happened here. So that means the ordinary people are very intelligent. They are very kind people. What we want is just to realize modernization. That is the correct way for us to catch up with the developed countries, the United States. You know, Chinese people are very intelligent people. We are not lazy. You see, we have 5000 years of culture and history. During or history, there were lots of intelligent people. We have lot of scientists in the history of China. We made great contributions for the human beings.?

?Absolutely,? I agreed.

Wang continued. ?Yeah. That?s why I said, our race, we have hope. We should have bright future, but what we can do is through peace, the peace way to solve the problem, that?s what students do here in the square.?

?So what do you think will happen now? I mean, the army is still around the city, and there seems to be no real talking even about a dialogue, about negotiations now. It seems both sides do not want to talk to each other now. I know the government has offered to evacuate the students if they would end the protests. They?re trying to be conciliatory, saying there will be no punishment towards most of the people except these leaders they keep talking about. But I talked to some of the students, and they aren?t really seriously talking about negotiations with the government because there seems to be no trust of the government now and strong doubts that the government would serious talk with the students. The students have given up on good faith talks with the government. So what?s going to happen??

Wang answered: ?There?s no way for them now. You can see clearly. It will not happen.?

?You mean negotiations will not happen??

?It will not happen. I mean not directly. Maybe indirectly. Directly, it?s impossible,? Wang said with an air of resignation.

Me: ?Because I read something in the paper, I believe it was a quote from one of the Party leaders, Yang Shangkun. What he said was alarming. He said for the Party, the government, to back down now would be disastrous for China. It would mean the fall of socialism and the restoration of capitalism. Who the hell is talking about the restoration of capitalism??

At that point, a young woman who had been one of the onlookers joined the discussion.

?Do you see all this as very different from the United States?? she inquired. ?If some people have different opinions, they will say, ?You want to overthrow the government. You will be punished. You are dismissed from your college.? Different country. Different from the United States. And our government said, ?we will have a dialogue with the US.? But they didn?t trust the students. They didn?t trust the people. They said the students with different opinions would overthrow our country, our communist country. But I think in the United States if you have different opinions, you will elect a new president.?

I turned to the woman and said: ?Well, as I was saying to this gentleman before, we in the United States have a different set of problems with our government. We have problems, believe me.?

?Yeah, sure,? she said understandably.

?Because with us, we?re finding out that it really doesn?t make much difference between the Democrats and the Republicans, between Bush and Dukakis, Carter, or Reagan. It?s almost as if we have one party, too.?

?Yeah,? she said again.

?You have one party, the Communist Party. On the surface we have two parties.?

?Sure. The Democratic and Republicans,? she stated knowingly.

?But both those parties really are the same.?

?Yeah,? she said. ?But I think different parties have the same opinion, only one party, if this party is wrong.?

?But it?s possible,? I continued, ?even with a communist party, to be democratic. That?s what I think this w hole movement for democracy is about. You?re fighting to make radical reforms, to make this system more democratic and responsive to the people. But I would say to you that right now in the world there is a Communist Party that is democratic, or more democratic than the others, and that is in Cuba.?

?Yeah, yeah, in Cuba,? the woman affirmed.

?Because in Cuba, they have the right to recall someone, if the people don?t like the job that person is doing.?

?Sure, sure,? said the woman.

?They have the right to vote him out and put in someone else they feel would be better. The Communist Party in Cuba is more responsive to the people, and the working people feel that the government is their government. The leader, Fidel Castro, he and the leadership consciously fight bureaucratism and privilege.?

?Yeah, yeah,? she said again.

?Consciously try and draw the people into running the country to fight corruption, which is a problem there, as in any country, especially a poor country. So it is possible to have a communist party that is better. And I think that?s the hope of all of you people here, to make reforms, to make the Communist Party more democratic. It is possible. You see, I?m an American socialist.?

?Really?? the woman asked incredulously, her eyes widening.

?Yes, but I support you. I support the student demonstrators. I?d be in trouble with Deng and Li Peng too.?

This statement brought hearty laughter from those onlookers who understood what I?d said. I continued.

?They wouldn?t like my views. Even though I?m a Marxist, they have a different, uh, they went to a different school of communism.?

?Those in the government are very old,? said the woman. ?You see in the reports, Communist Party leader Deng Xiaoping said, ?Our country is not easy to get, because you see our country is liberated in 1949. The country is worsened.? I cannot explain myself clearly.?

?Go ahead. That?s all right,? I assured her.

?We can get a new government to rule. Because the country has a lot of disturbances, turmoil. We cannot have a new leader. Deng is always the top leader. Until his death. This is something the young people cannot understand. Since 1978, we have opened policies to the world. We have sent students to other colleges, and they have seen a lot of knowledge from the Western countries. So they know. They do not have a top leader like a Mao. Nobody can always be correct.?

?Well, you k now, you say that Deng said that you can?t overthrow the government. But the students aren?t even talking about overthrowing the government. You wanted to have talks to make reforms.?

?Yeah, sure,? she replied. ?We always want reform, not overthrow it.?

?You don?t want to overthrow socialism in China. That?s not the demand of the students.?

?Nobody dare to say overthrow socialism,? said the young woman. ?Otherwise the problem . . .be a prisoner. That is why nobody, you see, you are socialist. I can?t understand. The communists, it?s no good. Capitalists, I don?t know. You see, a lot of capitalist countries, West Germany, America, they have conquered very quickly. They have conquered a lot of places, even countries are very poor. Like before the liberation. I don?t what is the better way to develop our society, communism or like America. So we?re anxious about it.?

?Good discussion,? I said to her smiling.

?I think a lot of college students think the same as me.?

?I think you?re right,? I affirmed. The discussion came to a temporary halt as the people in the square listened intently to what sounded like an official government broadcast over the speakers.

After a few minutes, I resumed the conversation with another student who had been listening to my exchange with Wang and the woman.

?So you want the government when they?re meeting to see the people here and you want to have an influence on them? There are reports in the press there may be in the next few days a change in the government, a purge, perhaps with Zhao Zhang out. Have you heard that??

?Chinese press or foreign press?? he asked me.

?Foreign press,? I replied.

?We don?t want to put somebody down. We just want democracy.?

?Oh, I know,? I said quickly, realizing the source of his confusion. ?My question was not if you want to see Zhao put down, but I?m asking if you have heard that report too? Do you expect it to happen??

The group laughed and talked amongst themselves for a few minutes, then turned to me and asked, still giggling, ?Hunter? Do you know about Hunter??
It took me five minutes to figure out that they were sidestepping my sensitive question by hiding behind the TV show ?Hunter,? which is one of the most popular programs in China. Finally, a student stepped forward and said to me,

?We can?t answer your question, so we asked you another question.?

?Very clever,? I opined, to the continued good-natured laughter of the crowd.
Then, turning serious, the student asked me what the American people were hearing about the pro-democracy movement in China.

?Part of the problem is that the American government, and the Western press, for their own reasons, are distorting the events here.?

?They are saying something that is not really happening here?? he asked.

?They are distorting it, they?re not telling the truth. Before I go any further on that, the American people support the students? campaign for democracy. No question. It has inspired the American people as it has inspired people all over the world. I don?t know if you?ve heard, if you?ve gotten reports in the press, probably not, but there have been demonstrations in American cities?New York, San Francisco, Los Angeles, by Asian-Americans, Chinese, and others, in support of the demonstrations here.?

?We all want the reports to be real,? said the student seriously.

?Let me explain my point about the American government, and how they?re distorting the news. They are telling the American people that the Chinese people are anticommunist, that they?re fighting communism. But what they mean by communism is important.?

The student I had been conversing with then translated the comments of an other student standing next to him.

?He says we want to set up a new system, a new regime. An economic one. Not a system that is concerned with ideology.?

?In what way change the economy?? I asked him. ?To capitalism??
?No, not capitalism,? replied the student through the translator. ?Just to make the government civilized. Can be civilized.?

?Can be held accountable to the people,? I offered.

?Can be directed by the people,? said the student.

?So that the government is more responsive to the people,? I added.

?The government should be responsive to the people,? said the student.
?You see, that was my impression of what?s going on here. That the students, and the workers who support the students, are not calling for the overturn of communism, as the American government is telling its people. But that what you desire are radical reforms to make the system better, more democratic.?

?I haven?t been interpreter before,? said the young man, almost sheepishly.

?You?re doing a very good job, very well,? I replied reassuringly. ?You might have a new career ahead of you now. You can go to the government and get an interpreting job maybe.?

The students laughed at this suggestion. ? I think I?m a translator but not interpreter,? said the translator-student. With that, one of his friends said something to him. Smiling, he told me, ?He says I should answer you that, I think the back door.?

They broke out again in laughter. ?The back door is very popular. In America?? the student inquired.

?Back door?? I queried, with a puzzled look on my face.

?I think it?s maybe Shanghaied from China,? said the student, trying his hand at stand-up comedy.

?Back door?? I repeated, not having the faintest idea what they were talking about.

?Yes, back door,? he explained patiently. ?It means special position with the heads, a special place, position. You can get good jobs.?

?Oh, oh, yeah. Oh, we have that in the United States too. The rich and the privileged go to the best schools and get the best jobs; if you?re born into money you will have the best chance to succeed.?

?I think one of the most difficult jobs in China is to translate quandao [back door] into English,? said the student with a laugh.

?I?ll take your word for it. You see, the freedoms we have in American, you must remember, we get a lot of propaganda too. We?re taught that the source of freedoms and democracy in the world came from America and nowhere else. That?s not true. The American Revolution was a democratic revolution, but it didn?t start the ideas of democracy and freedom. The American revolutionists studied them from the revolutionaries in Europe. Every piece of freedom and democracy and rights that Americans have were not given to us by the government. They were fought for by the people. And the situation now in the United States is, on paper, we have the freedom to have these discussions. But in practice, if the people of the United States go too far in using their freedoms, the government will crack down and repress us to, with jailings, frameups, beatings and murder.?

?Murder?? gasped several students.

?Oh yeah.?

?How about FBI and CIA?? asked the translator-student.

?Yes. Spying on people like me.?

This comment brought on another round of laughter from those in the crowd who understood me.

?I know a film, it?s called Z?? asked the student.

?Z. Yes. That was about the events in Greece,? I said, pleased with his familiarity with the movie.

?In the 1970s,? he added proudly.

At this point, Wang, who had left the gathering for a few minutes, rejoined the discussion.

?I stayed in America for one year,? remarked Wang. ?At Indiana University.?

?Where? Indiana University? The Hoosiers,? I said with a laugh.

?Hoosiers, yes. Basketball,? he continued, picking up on my passion for basketball.

?Coach Bobby Knight,? I said, again laughing.

?Bobby Knight. Do you like Bobby Knight??

?No, I don?t really like Bobby Knight,? I replied, deciding not to explain the racist reputation surrounding the controversial, hot-tempered coach.

?The color is red,? interjected another student. ?Is it from the so-called redskin, I mean, the Indian people?? he asked.

?What?s the redskin?? I queried, again somewhat confused.

?Uh, the color red. Some people call Indian people redskin.?

?Oh, oh, yes,? I managed to reply, realizing that the references to Indiana University caused the student to make a connection to Indians. ?Yeah, they have a reddish-brown color. They?re an oppressed national minority in the United States.?

He asked, ?Do a lot of white people look down on them??

?Yes, there?s a lot of racism in America,? I answered, impressed with the student?s perception. ?The rulers in America, the capitalist rulers, [laughter] they very shrewdly use racism to divide Black, white, brown and yellow. They use racism to keep all the workers divided and fighting each other instead of uniting and fighting the capitalists.?

Wang had heard enough. He touched my arm and asked me gently, ?Excuse me, where do you come from??

?I live in San Francisco. I was born near New York City.?

?And what are you doing now, here??

?I work for . . . Good bye,? I said to one of the students who had been talking with me. ?I work for a publishing company, as a copy editor. But I?m more of a, as you can probably perceive, a political scientist and activist.?

?So this a big moment for you to understand what is happening in different countries, to assess the situation,? remarked Wang.

?It?s a fantastic experience. I don?t think I?ll ever be the same,? I told him. ?I want to relate to you a story, briefly, that is an example of what I said before about racism in the United States. We have a worse problem than China in some ways?unemployment. Many people are not working. As I said, the bosses, the corporations, use racism to pit workers against each other. Whites look down on Blacks, on the Asians, on the Latinos.?

Wang spent several minutes translating these remarks to the intrigued crowd. Then I resumed.

?In Detroit, where they make the cars, in the early 1980s, there was very high unemployment.?

?Yeah, I read books about the family Ford,? said Wang.

?When there?s high unemployment, as you know exists in the United States, there?s a lot of racism against the Japanese, because Ford tells its workers that the Japanese are taking away their jobs. In 1982, what happened was some unemployed white auto workers killed a Chinese-American named Vincent Chin, killed him with a baseball bat.?

?Yeah, yeah,? concurred Wang with an air of familiarity.

?You know about that?? I asked Wang.

?Yeah, I know. They think he was Japanese.?

?They thought he was Japanese,? I corrected him mildly.

?Yeah, yeah. Thought.?

?They thought he was Japanese, and the white workers, angry at the Japanese for stealing their jobs, killed him. What was even worse was the men who killed him did not get into any trouble; they basically got away with it. Never did any time in prison, no jail. They just walked away.?

I could feel the anger rising in my voice. ?It is an example of the racism in the United States, not only in the streets, but in the courts. No justice there. There was no question they killed him. So we have a lot of problems in the United States. Tell them that the democratic rights that were fought for and won by the American people are increasingly under attack by the government, by Reagan, by Bush, it doesn?t matter.?

One student began talking intensely with Wang for a few minutes. Wang turned to me and translated: ?He said compared with what?s happening in the United States, now in China, the students and people ask a lot of questions to the government and ask for freedoms. What happened in America if the same??

?Let me see if I understand this. You mean, when American students protest to the government??

?No, no, not students. When the people ask something, you know, and want to correct what government does. What will happen in America??

?The American political system is not democratic. That statue is all symbolism. On paper, yes. But in reality, the American system is not representative. In theory we have freedoms, as long as we don?t use them. If you use them too much, the government will shoot their people in the streets and club them and jail them. There is repression in the United States; there are political prisoners. We do have the right to hold large, peaceful demonstrations to protest government policy. I don?t mean to say by any means, in saying that our system is not democratic, that we?re living under fascism now. That is not true. Although I must say, if hundreds of thousands of Americans occupied the area surrounding the Washington and Lincoln monuments and built a statue of Mao or Lenin, the authorities would not have permitted the demonstrations to continue as long as your have gone on.?

?So what are the limitations in America?? Wang asked.

I replied: ?The limitations depend on the given relationship of forces in any situation you?re looking at. Sometimes, we can have large demonstrations like this, if we get permits with the authorities to hold the rally. But if you?re a political activist, in a union, trying to organize a union, or if you?re a socialist in the United States, you might be spied on, or beaten, or framed up, or killed. In our elections, we have two major parties, the Democrats and the Republicans. There are many other parties, smaller parties, some socialists, co communists, but in practice it is very difficult, the government makes it difficult, puts lots of restrictions on the rights of these smaller parties, radical parties, to get on the ballot in many states. When we have television debates before elections, they don?t allow the smaller parties to participate in the debates with the two major parties. And increasingly there are no differences between the Democrats and Republicans. It?s becoming a one party system in the US, too. People don?t really have a voice. There is a growing social and economic crisis, and this is occurring while the economy is still basically pretty good. There are many signs that the economy will be bad again. And when that happens, there will be big trouble in the United States. But the American working class is fighting back. There are important labor struggles, like the Machinists? strike against Eastern Airlines and the Pittston coal miners strike. Last month, we had a massive demonstration, like this, in Washington, DC. Half a million people marched to support the right of women to have safe and legal abortions.?

The same woman who spoke up earlier stepped forward and asked: ?So what about the controls of the law to . . . the legal system??

Before I could answer, Wang, weary and not used to the marathon translating, said: ?I must have a break.?

?Can someone else translate?? I asked the crowd. ?Thank you very much,? I said warmly to Wang.

?You're welcome,? replied Wang.

?So who can translate here?? I repeated.

?I don?t know,? answered Wang.

?Do you want me to continue? About the legal system? The legal system is really a system for the rich in the United States to perpetuate their rule. The average person doesn?t have enough money to hire big lawyers, so it?s easier for the rich and powerful to use the legal system for their benefit.?

?So the legal system in America is for the rich people, not for the common people?? Wang perceptively asked.

?Right.?

?So it is true that the legal system is only a tool for the government to control the people?? Wang asked.

?Yes. Exactly.?

?We have heard the legal system and the human rights is very strong in America. But that?s not true after listening to your speech,? stated Wang.

?As I said, on paper there is this respect. . .?

Wang translated the beginning of my sentence.

? . . . for human rights, and it?s true that most of the American people feel very strong about those freedoms in our constitution. As I said, it?s not fascism and we do have some rights. But it?s important to keep in mind that the rights we have were not given to us, they were fought for by the people, in struggles of the working people. The American Revolution, that?s where our constitution came from. And today, those rights are increasingly under attack by the government. Not in a radical, wholesale, way, you know but chipping away, undermining, what they can get away with.?

Wang nodded his head. ?There?s a news broadcast over there,? he said, pointing to the headquarters area by the Monument of the People?s Heroes. ?Would you like to come with me??

?Yeah, sure, I?ll check it out,? I replied.

?Okay, if you like to check it out, please follow me,? Wang said with a smile.

?Okay.? I turned to the group of demonstrators who had been listening to us all this time and, waving the peace sign said, ?Thank you. Thank you very much. Peace.?

I followed Wang through the densely packed square towards the Monument.

?Wang, there?s a news broadcast coming up? From the government or the students??

?From the students,? he answered. ?This is very complex here.? Half way there, he turned around and said to me with that characteristic twinkle in his eye,

?There?s someone I want you to meet, Nivek.?

It took us ten minutes to reach the Monument. Wang escorted me to the third and top level of the granite obelisk, a vantage point which provided a panoramic view of the massive mobilization that filled Tiananmen Square. A large crowd was assembled in front of the Monument?s steps. The mood was excited, spirited, militant and tense. Voices blared from the square?s speakers. Suddenly, a man dressed in what looked like a Bhuddist monk?s robes began making an emotional speech.

?What?s he saying?? I asked Wang.

?He?s a religious leader who supports the students. He said the movement is more than . . . people. The May 4th movement 70 years ago, not really demonstration for freedom now. He says the student movement now shows the way. He supports the students and their demands for democratic rights. He praises their courage and determination.?

Wang said to me: ?As I was saying, there?s someone I want you to meet. He?s a friend of mine. He?s commander 008 on the Square. Perhaps you would like to talk with him, Nivek??

?Yes, of course. Thanks, Wang,? I said to him, catching my breath. I realized how lucky I?d been to meet Wang. Not only was he an excellent interpreter and familiar with the United States, but he had connections to a Tiananmen commander, and he wanted me to interview him. Perhaps Wang?s friend would be able to shed more light on the Beijing Autonomous Workers Federation, and the report that three of its activists had been arrested by the authorities.

?Wait here,? Wang told me. ?I will find my friend.?

It was now after ten. I scanned the inspirational scene in Tiananmen, momentarily intoxicated by the swirling flags and balloons; the hundreds of thousands of citizens in the square; and above all the stirring sight represented by the Goddess of Democracy and Freedom facing off with Chairman Mao. Vendors continued to cart in supplies of food and beverages for the students maintaining the Tiananmen occupation. The government?s attempts to isolate the students from the general population did not appear to be succeeding.

A short while later, Wang returned with a handsome young man holding a walkie-talkie at his side.

?This is Liu,? introduced Wang.

?Nee-how,? I said cheerfully, clearly enunciating the Chinese word for ?hello.? We shook hands warmly. Liu did not speak a word of English, but I felt an instant rapport between us, as I had felt with Wang.

?Ah, nee-how,? Liu said with a friendly grin.

Wang spoke to Liu for several minutes, then turned to me and said, ?I told him how we met and a little about yourself. He is very interested in talking further with you. He likes you as well.?

Liu spoke for several minutes, and Wang translated his remarks.

?He says that on May 20th, he led a crowd of 3,000 people in blocking an army division from entering Beijing. He says he signed an agreement between the students and the troops. The agreement said the troops would go back and would never fire on the people.?

?He did? When??

?May 23rd,? Wang replied. ?He has the agreement with the demands in his hands.?

Sure enough, Liu was grasping a folded piece of paper. He said something to Wang, who turned to me and said, ?He must return to his commander duties now. But he would like very much for you to join us for dinner tomorrow evening. Then we can talk in more detail. And perhaps you would be interested in having a copy of the agreement??

?Oh yes, yes,? I replied enthusiastically.

?Very good. Why don?t you meet us in front of the Beijing Hotel at say, 6 o?clock. Okay??

I agreed to meet Wang, Liu, and Liu?s close friend Yang at the designated time and location the following evening. We shook hands, and then they were gone. It was now just before 11, and the intensity of the demonstration in Tiananmen had not abated. In front of me, a succession of speakers followed the Bhuddist monk to the emotional cheers of the large crowd. One didn?t have to understand Chinese to surmise that the speakers were denouncing the government and articulating the masses? desire for democratic rights.

Behind me, at the foot of the Monument, a commotion attracted my attention. A young man and woman, both Westerners, were bathed in the lights of television cameras and speaking into several microphones; a press conference was taking place. The man?s name was Steve Jolley, and from the substance and tone of his remarks, it was clear he was a British communist.

?I?m from the youth wing of the British Labor Party, the Young Socialists, and I?m here to bring the students and working people of China a message of solidarity from the working class of England. Your courageous struggle for democracy is inspiring working people all over the world. I?m here to say that we are especially inspired by the formation of an independent trade union here in Beijing, the Beijing Autonomous Workers Federation. This action by the Chinese workers proves to the world that there is an alternative to Stalinism, that socialism and democracy are not incompatible. The Tiananmen Square demonstrations prove that socialist democracy can be achieved when the workers and students unite.?

Next, the young woman stepped up to the microphones.

?My name is Angie Covina, and I represent the New Democratic Party from Canada. I?m here to say that we fully support the historic events here in Beijing because they demonstrate not only that democratic principles can be installed under socialism. . .The students and workers should be proud of their activities and there are many workers and other organizations that are behind and support what is happening presently and that they should continue to fight and to succeed for their principles and revolution.?

Obviously I wasn?t the only person in Beijing with a Trotskyist background.
Those Chinese who understood, and there seemed to be quite a few of them, cheered and applauded the two speakers? solidarity statements. A BBC cameraman thought otherwise.

?The British Labor Party? Hah! If he?s for the students, I?m for Li Peng,? I overheard him telling a colleague. The press conference was over, but the spirit in Tiananmen Square was still going strong as midnight approached. As far as one looked, the square was packed with humanity. There were easily 100,000 in attendance. I walked through the square toward the Avenue of Eternal Peace for the short walk to the Minzu. When I passed the Goddess, she was surrounded by many hundreds of admirers. The warm Beijing night air was filled with the clanging of bicycle bells. Wasn?t anyone sleeping in Beijing these days?
A friend of mine who had traveled frequently to Beijing told me that it was usually a rather sleepy town at night; things slowed down to a quiet stop no later than nine. But these days, China?s capital was giving New York City a run for its money.

"I want to wake up in a city that doesn?t sleep."

I passed the Zhonganhai compound, where the half dozen soldiers stood stoically in front of the 500 students and workers staring them down. While a weary American journalist collapsed in his hotel room, the newly politicized city of Beijing was still going strong.